EXPLORING INDIA’S POTENTIAL IN THE ARCTIC REGION

THE CONTEXT: Global trade is undergoing realignment amid geopolitical fractures, supply chain disruptions, and the imperatives of climate adaptation. The Arctic—a once inaccessible frontier—is becoming central to global commerce and strategic calculus as sea ice recedes at 12.2% per decade (NASA), opening the Northern Sea Route (NSR).

India, while not an Arctic state, stands to gain both economically and strategically. As global temperatures breached 1.5°C in 2024 (Nature Climate Change), the region symbolizes both a commercial opportunity and a climate warning.

THE ARCTIC AND THE NSR – REDEFINING MARITIME GEOPOLITICS

    • Northern Sea Route (NSR): A maritime passage connecting the Atlantic and Pacific via the Arctic Ocean, shortening Asia-Europe routes by up to 40% in transit time.
    • Strategic Pivot: NSR bypasses chokepoints like the Strait of Malacca, reducing India’s vulnerability to maritime blockades.
    • Cargo Surge: From 41,000 tonnes in 2010 to 37.9 million tonnes in 2024, reflecting growing global interest.

CURRENT SCENARIO & ACTOR MAPPING: THE GEOPOLITICS OF THE MELTING NORTH

 Russia: The Arctic Gatekeeper and Strategic Resurrector

    • Geostrategic Profile: Russia controls nearly 53% of the Arctic coastline and has sovereign authority over major segments of the Northern Sea Route (NSR).
    • Commercial Leverage:
      • Operates the world’s largest fleet of nuclear-powered icebreakers (Arktika-class).
      • Key player in the Yamal LNG Project in the Yamalo-Nenets region, which supplies gas to Asia and Europe via ice-class ARC7 LNG carriers.
      • Actively seeks to operationalise NSR year-round with growing climate windows.
    • India Link:
      • Chennai–Vladivostok Maritime Corridor under development.
      • 2023 bilateral agreement with India to establish a working group on NSR cooperation.

 China: The “Near-Arctic” Stakeholder Building a Northern BRI

    • Strategic Posture:
      • Self-declared “Near-Arctic State” (White Paper, 2018).
      • Promotes the Polar Silk Road, a sub-initiative of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
    • Infrastructure Presence:
      • Operates Xue Long (Snow Dragon) polar icebreakers.
      • Has observer status at the Arctic Council since 2013.
    • Core Objectives:
      • Bypass the Malacca Strait chokepoint, enhancing supply chain resilience.
      • Gain Arctic energy access and scientific footholds.

U.S., NATO, and the EU: From Strategic Lag to Normative Leadership

    • U.S. Position:
      • Emphasizes “Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPs)” in Arctic waters.
      • Strengthening the U.S. Coast Guard’s Arctic capabilities, including new icebreakers under the Polar Security Cutter program.
    • EU’s Arctic Posture:
      • Prioritizes Green Shipping Corridors and carbon neutrality in Arctic trade (European Green Deal).
      • Focuses on sustainable development and indigenous rights.
    • Sanctions Leverage:
      • Post-Ukraine war, the West has limited Russian energy partnerships, stalling LNG logistics via NSR.

Japan and South Korea: Technology-Driven Stakeholders with Energy Imperatives

    • Energy Dependence:
      • Both countries rely heavily on Arctic LNG imports, particularly from Yamal and Arctic LNG-2 projects.
      • Have invested in ice-class ARC7 LNG carriers via private consortiums.
    • Strategic Hesitancy:
      • Cautious of growing Sino-Russian Arctic coordination.
      • Seek greater involvement in NSR logistics planning, Arctic science, and governance.

India: Norm-Setter, Bridge-Builder, and Climate-Stakeholder

    • Institutional Presence:
      • Observer in Arctic Council since 2013.
      • Operates Himadri Research Station (2008) in Ny-Ålesund, Svalbard.
      • Engages with the National Centre for Polar and Ocean Research (NCPOR) in Goa for polar missions.
Arctic Policy 2022 – 6 Pillars:

    • Science & Research
    • Climate & Environmental Protection
    • Economic & Human Development
    • Transportation & Connectivity
    • Governance & International Cooperation
    • National Capacity Building
    • Recent Momentum:
      • Hosting Arctic Circle India Forum (May 3–4, 2025) to foster strategic dialogue with Nordic, East Asian, and North American partners.
      • Allocated $3 billion Maritime Development Fund for Arctic-suitable shipbuilding.

INDIAN SIGNIFICANCE IN THE ARCTIC — STRATEGIC DIMENSIONS AND NATIONAL PAYOFFS

DimensionStrategic Pay-OffKey Frameworks & Examples
Energy Security- NSR cuts LNG transit from Russia (Yamal) to India (Kochi/Ennore) by ~17 days
- Reduces reliance on Hormuz and Bab el-Mandeb chokepoints
- Supports Energy Security Strategy, National Energy Policy (NITI Aayog)
- ONGC Videsh exploring Arctic energy linkages with Strategic Petroleum Reserve Phase II
Supply Chain Resilience- NSR complements IMEC, INSTC, Chennai–Vladivostok Corridor
- Enables de-risked, redundant Indo-European shipping lanes
- Aligned with PM-Gati Shakti, SAGAR Doctrine, and Maritime India Vision 2030
- Arctic cargo at 37.9 million tonnes (2024) — high strategic trade value
Climate Science Leadership- Arctic melt impacts Jet Stream, IOD, ENSO → affects Indian Monsoon & agri-GDP
- Enhances India’s scientific voice in Global South climate governance
- India's agri-GDP ~₹35 trillion (18% of GDP); Monsoon-dependent productivity
- Himadri Base (2008), IGSD–NCAER Model (2024), proposed MCEWS
Shipbuilding & Maritime Tech- ₹250 billion ($3B) Maritime Fund (2025–26) boosts polar-class shipbuilding
- Elevates Arctic maritime participation, reduces tech dependency
- Supports Blue Economy, Atmanirbhar Bharat, Green Hydrogen propulsion R&D
- Shipbuilding hubs: Cochin Shipyard, Goa Shipyard Ltd.

THE CHALLENGES:

1. Environmental Fragility vs Developmental Opportunism: The Arctic is warming 4 times faster than the global average (IPCC AR6), triggering irreversible climate tipping points such as permafrost thaw, sea-level rise, and biodiversity collapse.

    • Black carbon emissions from shipping accelerate ice melt through albedo reduction. India, if not cautious, may inadvertently violate its climate leadership narrative under the Paris Agreement.
    • International Maritime Organization’s (IMO) Polar Code is non-binding (“soft law”), allowing loopholes in emission and spill risk management.

 

2. Geostrategic Tightrope: Navigating Great Power Politics: India’s Arctic engagement intersects with geopolitical rivalries—especially Russia–West–China dynamics.

    • Engaging with Russia (NSR operator) supports India’s energy interests and strategic diversification.
    • But excessive proximity could signal tacit support for China’s Polar Silk Road, undermining India’s opposition to BRI-linked encroachments.
    • Over-tilting toward the West (via QUAD) may risk losing energy and shipping access controlled by Russia, especially given the post-Ukraine sanctions regime.

 

3. Technological Bottlenecks: India’s Arctic Readiness Deficit

 

Capability Constraints:

    • India lacks indigenous ice-class shipbuilding capacity and cold-weather navigation expertise.
    • Absence of dual-fuel (LNG-diesel) propulsion systems suited for Arctic voyages and ARC-7 hull technologies.
    • Inadequate cold-weather training protocols for Indian maritime personnel.

 

4. Legal Ambiguity and Lawfare Potential

    • UNCLOS Article 234 allows Arctic states to regulate pollution in “ice-covered waters”—a clause used selectively by Russia to restrict navigation rights.
    • Freedom of navigation under UNCLOS vs sovereign rights over internal NSR waters creates legal grey zones, where India has no standing as a coastal or Arctic state.

 

5. Financing, Insurance, and Navigation Risks

    • Arctic voyages attract high Protection & Indemnity (P&I) insurance premiums, given the lack of Search and Rescue (SAR) infrastructure.
    • Limited Arctic satellite coverage and real-time navigation support impede e-navigation, making India’s insurance and shipping firms cautious.

 

6. Institutional Coordination Deficit

    • India’s Arctic strategy involves multiple ministries: MoES, MEA, Ministry of Shipping, Commerce, Defence, but lacks a nodal Arctic agency or a dedicated Polar Affairs Division.
    • Fragmentation leads to slow inter-ministerial approvals and impedes India’s agility in Arctic science-diplomacy or commercial bid submissions.

THE WAY FORWARD:

1. Develop a Polar-Ready Indigenous Fleet: Promote ARC-7 class ice-breaker design under Atmanirbhar Bharat through co-development with South Korea and Japan; support tech transfer via G2G mechanisms.

Rationale:

    • ARC-7 ships can operate in -50°C and through 1.8m thick ice; essential for NSR year-round access.
    • Reduces import dependency, spurs dual-use tech (civilian + Antarctic missions), and cuts capital expenditure by ~20% (as per MoPSW estimates).

 

2. Institutionalise a ‘Polar Envoy’ and NSR Strategy Cell: Appoint a Polar Ambassador-at-Large under the MEA; create an inter-ministerial NSR Strategy Cell with scientific, trade, and legal experts.

 

Rationale:

    • Mirrors the U.S. Arctic Ambassador (2022), ensuring policy agility and coordination with Moscow–Tokyo–Oslo think-tank network.
    • Enhances India’s presence in Track 1.5 Arctic diplomacy, facilitates rapid policy response to dynamic Arctic scenarios.

 

3. Propose a Green Shipping Corridor: Murmansk–Kandla Initiative: Initiate a zero-emission corridor using green methanol or ammonia-propelled vessels from Murmansk (Russia) to Kandla (India).

 

Rationale:

    • Meets IMO’s 2050 Net-Zero Maritime Strategy and attracts ESG-aligned climate finance.
    • India positions itself as a rule-shaper in sustainable Arctic navigation, countering China’s infrastructure-heavy Polar Silk Road.

 

4. Strengthen Multilateral and Minilateral Arctic Diplomacy: Leverage Observer status in the Arctic Council to forge issue-based minilateral coalitions with Japan, South Korea, Norway, and Canada.

 

Rationale:

    • Balances China’s and Russia’s growing axis in the Arctic.
    • Promotes reform of Observer categories to empower Global South voices in Arctic governance.

 

5. Champion Climate-Science Diplomacy and Environmental Governance: Expand PACER-2 programme, develop joint Arctic–Monsoon climate model with Norway/Canada, and push for an NSR Emission Charter.

 

Rationale:

    • Builds anticipatory governance capacity for Indian agriculture and water resources.
    • Enhances India’s soft power by linking Arctic teleconnections to food security forecasting.

 

6. Invest in Polar-Capable Human Capital and Digital Twin Simulation: Launch Arctic-specific VR simulators, polar seafaring courses at IMU (Indian Maritime University), and scholarships under ITEC for Global South allies.

 

Rationale:

    • Current Indian merchant navy training does not include polar weather protocols or ice-risk scenarios.
    • Builds capacity and offers training diplomacy by becoming the South-South training hub for Arctic logistics and research.

THE CONCLUSION:

The Arctic is no longer a distant “polar desert” but the frontline where climate security, supply-chain resilience and great-power rivalry intersect. For India, a calibrated “multi-alignment” that couples science-driven stewardship with commercial pragmatism is the optimal path to navigate this icy frontier. The emerging NSR is both an opportunity and a stress-test of India’s maritime vision; the window for decisive action is this decade—before the pendulum of geopolitics swings again.

UPSC PAST YEAR QUESTION:

Q. Why is India taking keen interest in resources of Arctic Region? 2018

MAINS PRACTICE QUESTION:

Q. India’s Arctic strategy must balance commercial pragmatism with constitutional environmentalism. Examine the relevance of India’s Arctic Policy 2022 in light of emerging geopolitical alignments and global climate obligations.

SOURCE:

https://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/exploring-indias-potential-in-the-arctic-region/article69477957.ece#:~:text=The%20Arctic%20reflects%20a%20critical,opportunity%20for%20the%20unseen%20future.

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