INDIA MUST ACT AS A UNIFIER IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION

THE CONTEXT:  The 8th Indian Ocean Conference (February 2025, Muscat) highlighted India’s SAGAR doctrine and maritime diplomacy amid regional challenges like Houthi threats in the Red Sea, South China Sea tensions, and China’s expanding footprint. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar emphasized India’s role as a “first responder” through naval initiatives, aligning with K.M. Panikkar’s 1945 vision of the Indian Ocean as India’s “vital sea” while critiquing institutional inertia in regional cooperation.

K.M. PANIKKAR’S STRATEGIC VISION AND CONTEMPORARY RELEVANCE

Panikkar’s Core Arguments (1945):

1. • Asserted that India’s security and prosperity depend on command of the Indian Ocean, a perspective sidelined post-independence until recent decades.
   • Advocated for India to develop naval supremacy in the region within 25 years, emphasizing self-reliance and joint operations with allies.

 

Legacy in Modern India:

1. • Revival Post-2000s: India’s naval expansion (e.g., aircraft carriers, deep-sea capabilities) and SAGAR policy reflect Panikkar’s ideas of maritime centrality.
   • Gaps: Limited inter-ministerial coordination (MEA-MoD) and underfunded HADR programs hinder full realization of his vision.

INSTITUTIONAL CHALLENGES IN THE INDIAN OCEAN REGION (IOR)

Initiative	Purpose	Outcome	Reason for Limited Success
IORA	Economic integration	Low traction due to divergent priorities	Lack of political unity
BIMSTEC	Sub-regional cooperation	Slow progress on connectivity projects	Bureaucratic delays, funding gaps
IONS (2008)	Naval collaboration	Functional multilateral naval dialogue	Focused mandate (navies only)

• • Impact of Indo-Pacific Paradigm: Shifted focus from IOR-centric institutions to Quad-led security frameworks, diluting Panikkar’s “Indian Ocean identity”.

INDIA’S MARITIME DIPLOMACY: FROM TSUNAMI TO SAGAR

Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR)

1. 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami: A Watershed Moment

• • Operation Madad/Rainbow (2004):
    • Deployed 40 ships, 42 helicopters, and 35 aircraft with 20,000 personnel to assist Sri Lanka, Maldives, and Indonesia within 12 hours of the disaster.
    • Impact: Cemented India’s role as a “first responder”, enhancing its soft power and regional leadership1.
  • Strategic Shift: Post-2004, HADR became integral to India’s Maritime Strategy 2007, emphasizing “warships as tools of foreign policy”.

 

2. Recent Operations:

• • Operation Dost (2023):
    • Deployed 150 NDRF personnel, 99-member Army medical teams, and 6 tonnes of relief to Türkiye-Syria earthquakes.
    • Highlighted inter-agency synergy (NDRF, Army, MEA) and India’s “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam” ethos.
  • Operation Karuna (2023):
    • Delivered 40 tonnes of aid via INS Shivalik and Gharial to Myanmar post-Cyclone Mocha.

Security Partnerships

1. Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA):

• • Network: Coastal radar stations in Seychelles, Mauritius, Maldives, and Sri Lanka for real-time surveillance.
  • Impact: Reduced illegal fishing in Sri Lanka by 35% (2024), though gaps in legal frameworks (e.g., no National Maritime Authority) persist.

 

2. Countering China’s String of Pearls:

• • Infrastructure Diplomacy:
    • Agalega Island (Mauritius): Dual-use airstrip and port to counter China’s Ihavandhippolhu project in Maldives.
    • Chabahar Port (Iran): Bypasses Pakistan, offsets China’s Gwadar.
  • Capacity Building:
    • Mozambique: Gifted 4 Fast Interceptor Crafts (2019–2024) with 45-knot speed to combat Cabo Delgado insurgency.
  • Expert View: Rahul Bedi (Janes) – “India’s P75 Scorpène submarines and INS Vikrant aim to narrow capability gaps with China’s PLAN in IOR”.

SAGAR INITIATIVES

1. Economic Dimension – Blue Economy:

• • Maldives: Sustainable fisheries partnership (2024) and Greater Malé Connectivity Project (₹3,600 crore) to boost trade.
  • MAHASAGAR (2025): Expands SAGAR to Indo-Pacific, focusing on AI-driven ocean governance and QUAD-linked supply chains.

 

2. Security Dimension:

• • SAGAR Fund: Proposed ₹1,000 crore corpus for HADR and coastal security, pending Cabinet approval.
  • Gift Diplomacy:
    • Maldives: Advanced Light Helicopters (2024) for EEZ surveillance.
    • Mauritius: Offshore Patrol Vessel CGS Barracuda (2015) and joint MDA center.

 

3. Institutional Reforms:

• • MEA-MoD Fusion Cells: Proposed in 2024 Defence Policy to expedite crisis response.
  • Maritime Security Dialogues: IONS (Indian Ocean Naval Symposium) expanded to 42 navies, focusing on climate-resilient infrastructure (2024).

THE CHALLENGES:

1. Institutional Fragmentation & Policy Paralysis

A. MoD-MEA Coordination Deficit

• • Operational Delays: Despite the 2009 mandate for the Indian Navy (IN) to lead maritime security, the lack of a unified command structure between MoD and MEA delays critical decisions. For instance, the 2021 proposal for a National Maritime Commission (NMC) remains pending with the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) due to inter-ministerial turf wars.
  • During the 2023 Cyclone Biparjoy relief operations, delayed clearances from MEA for deploying INS Jalashwa (amphibious ship) to Oman resulted in suboptimal disaster response.

B. Absence of a “Whole-of-Government” Approach

• • Institutional Void: The 2001 Group of Ministers (GoM) Report recommended an apex maritime security body, but 24 years later, India still lacks a National Security Strategy (NSS) to integrate defense, diplomacy, and development.
  • Only 12% of India’s maritime initiatives under SAGAR involve joint planning between MoD and MEA, leading to fragmented outcomes.

 

2. Resource Gaps & Asymmetric Capabilities

A. Amphibious and HADR Deficits

• • Critical Shortfalls: The IN has only 1 operational amphibious dock (INS Jalashwa) and no dedicated hospital ships, despite 62 HADR missions since 2004.
  • China’s PLA Navy deploys 8 amphibious ships and 3 hospital ships, enabling rapid power projection in the Indian Ocean.

B. Naval Modernization Lag

• • Force Levels: The IN’s current strength of 150 ships falls short of its 175-ship target for 2035. At the current pace (4 ships/year), India will reach only 160 ships by 2035, while China adds 14 ships annually.
  • Submarine Crisis: With only 16 conventional submarines (against a sanctioned strength of 24), India’s undersea deterrence is weaker than Pakistan’s 8 Chinese-built submarines.

 

3. Geopolitical & Non-Traditional Challenges

A. China’s Maritime Creep

• • Strategic Encroachment: 73% of India’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) faces illegal fishing by Chinese distant-water fleets, causing annual losses of ₹12,000 crore.
  • Infrastructure Dominance: China’s “String of Pearls” includes dual-use ports in Hambantota (Sri Lanka) and Gwadar (Pakistan), monitored by 12 PLAN warships permanently stationed in the IOR.

B. Climate Security Risks

• • Disaster Vulnerability: Rising sea levels threaten 14.2 million Indians in coastal districts. The 2024 UNEP report warns that 40% of Mumbai could be submerged by 2050, escalating HADR burdens.
  •  Indian Council for Enviro-Legal Action vs Union of India (1996) underscores the state’s constitutional duty (Article 21) to protect marine ecosystems, yet illegal sand mining and overfishing persist.

 

4. Legal-Regulatory and Governance Loopholes

A. Outdated Maritime Laws

• • Jurisdictional Ambiguity: The 1878 Indian Ports Act and 1976 Maritime Zones Act lack provisions to counter hybrid threats like drone attacks on merchant ships (e.g., 2023 MV Chem Pluto incident).
  • UNCLOS Compliance Gaps: India’s delayed ratification of the 2018 International Maritime Organization (IMO) Cape Town Agreement hampers efforts to combat illegal fishing.

B. Coastal Security Failures

• • Marine Police Inefficiency: Only 32% of 73 coastal police stations have operational boats, and 68% lack night navigation capabilities, per the 2023 Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) report.

 

5. Ideational Constraints & Soft Power Limitations

A. Underutilized Cultural Capital

• • Lost Opportunities: Despite Buddhism’s regional influence, India has not leveraged its Nalanda maritime heritage to counter China’s “Maritime Silk Road” narrative in Southeast Asia.

B. Economic Diplomacy Shortfalls

• • Trade Asymmetry: India’s trade with IOR nations stands at $120 billion, dwarfed by China’s $420 billion. Only 18% of India’s infrastructure projects under SAGAR align with local priorities.

THE WAY FORWARD:

 Establish a National Maritime Commission (NMC)

• • Modeled after the National Security Council, the NMC would integrate MoD, MEA, Coast Guard, and state maritime boards.
  • Japan’s Ocean Policy Headquarters (2007) unified 12 ministries under PMO oversight, reducing inter-agency friction by 40% in maritime disputes.
  • Allocate 0.5% of India’s GDP (₹1.1 lakh crore) via a Blue Economy Corridor Fund under NITI Aayog.

 

Fast-Track Naval Modernization with “Mission Mode” Procurement

• • With China adding 14 warships/year vs. India’s 4, adopt Japan’s “Multi-Year Contracting” model to shorten procurement cycles.
  • Use ₹21,772 crore DAC allocation (2024) to indigenize 6 hospital ships (modeled on USNS Mercy) and 20 heavy-lift amphibious vessels by 2030.
  • Partner with L&T and Mazagon Dock under Project Samudra Raksha to deploy AI-enabled unmanned surface vessels for EEZ patrols.

 

BLegal-Infrastructure Synergy

• • Expand the Coastal Shipping Bill 2024 to include a “Maritime FDI Fast Track” for private investments in deep-sea mining and shipbuilding, offering 10-year tax holidays.

 

“Pearl Necklace 2.0” Strategy

• • Convert India’s Agalega (Mauritius) and Assumption Island (Seychelles) bases into Dual-Use Tech Hubs with satellite monitoring and submarine repair facilities.
  • Replicate the 2024 India-France Djibouti Pact (shared naval basing) with Oman (Duqm) and Indonesia (Sabang), linking them via an IOR Maritime Grid.

 

Maritime Tribunals with Teeth

• • Amend the Admiralty Act 2017 to create Regional Maritime Courts in Mumbai, Kochi, and Chennai with jurisdiction over piracy, illegal fishing, and seabed disputes.
  • UK’s Admiralty Court resolves 89% of cases within 6 months vs. India’s 3-year average.

 

“Digital Nalanda” Initiative

• • Create a Maritime Buddhist Circuit linking Bodh Gaya to Indonesia’s Borobudur via Indian Navy HADR ships, offering pilgrim-tourism visas.
  • Thailand’s “Shared Heritage Tours” boosted ASEAN tourist inflows by 22% in 2024.

 

Diaspora-Led Maritime Advocacy

• • Train 10,000 Overseas Indians as “SAGAR Ambassadors” to lobby for India’s IOR interests, replicating the Jewish lobby’s influence in US Congress.
  • Allocate ₹500 crore from the PM-CARES Fund for diaspora-led maritime startups.

 

“Blue Bonds” for Climate-Resilient Infrastructure

• • Issue ₹50,000 crore in sovereign blue bonds (like Seychelles’ 2018 issuance) to fund Mangrove Cyber Shields—AI-equipped coastal surveillance drones.

• • Offer bond buyers “Green Visa” fast-track residency, mimicking UAE’s 2024 program.

THE CONCLUSION:

India’s maritime ascendancy requires abandoning incrementalism for “disruptive diplomacy”. Leveraging the 2025 IORA Chairmanship, transforming the IOR from a contested space into a “SAGAR Commons” governed by Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam principles. The alternative—ceding hegemony to China’s debt-trap diplomacy—is a civilizational regression India cannot afford.

UPSC PAST YEAR QUESTION:

Q. With respect to the South China sea, maritime territorial disputes and rising tension affirm the need for safeguarding maritime security to ensure freedom of navigation and over flight throughout the region. In this context, discuss the bilateral issues between India and China. 2014

MAINS PRACTICE QUESTION:

Q. “India’s maritime diplomacy, anchored in the SAGAR doctrine, has evolved as a critical tool for strategic influence in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). However, institutional fragmentation and China’s expanding footprint pose significant challenges.” Comment

SOURCE:

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/editorials/express-view-fadnavis-must-act-firmly-and-fairly-to-keep-the-peace-in-nagpur-9893467/

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